Background

Milwaukee's I-794 Lake Interchange has stood at the center of an increasingly urgent planning debate. The freeway structure, which connects downtown Milwaukee to the regional highway network, is aging and in need of reconstruction. The Wisconsin Department of Transportation has been studying alternatives since mid-2022, with options ranging from replacing the structure in kind to a full freeway removal.

While WisDOT's analysis addressed engineering, environmental, traffic, and safety factors, no study had examined the broader economic consequences of each alternative — the perspective most relevant to businesses, employers, and the commercial real estate community. The Commercial Association of Realtors Wisconsin (CARW), with support from the National Association of Realtors, commissioned DMP Development Analytics to fill that gap.

Milwaukee County's GDP was estimated at $77 billion in 2023, with the seven-county regional economy at $161 billion. The I-794 corridor connects major manufacturing, financial, and healthcare employers to the regional and national transportation network. The economic consequences of getting this decision wrong — in either direction — are substantial and long-lasting.

The Three Alternatives

The study evaluated the economic implications of three categories of alternatives currently under consideration by WisDOT:

Option 1

Rebuild — Replace in Kind

Reconstruction of the existing 28 bridges focused solely on replacing deteriorated structures, maintaining the current freeway design and access configuration.

Option 2

Redesign — Freeway Improvement

Reconstruction with design improvements — including reconfigured ramp access, improved pedestrian and bicycle facilities, and better connectivity to surrounding neighborhoods.

Option 3

Remove — Freeway Removal

Complete removal of the elevated freeway structure, converting the corridor to a surface street network and freeing up to 16 acres for potential redevelopment.

Analytical Framework

The study assessed economic impacts across three categories of affected activity: freight and logistics, commuters and workforce, and visitor access and tourism. For each category, two to three scenarios were modeled — representing a 0.5%, 1.0%, and 3.0% decline in the rate of industry growth attributable to changes in travel time, shipping costs, or access conditions resulting from the chosen alternative.

Critically, the framework does not model outright economic decline. Milwaukee's economy is mature and growing, and even the Remove alternative is not expected to cause industries to collapse. Rather, the analysis focuses on the slowing of growth — the compounding cost, over decades, of slightly less favorable access conditions for industries that depend on efficient freight movement or an accessible labor pool.

Industries were identified as freight-intensive based on whether they were exporters — firms producing goods sold outside the local market. For workforce analysis, industries were identified based on their reliance on employees who must physically be present. In both cases, economic impacts were modeled using input-output analysis, capturing direct, indirect, and induced effects across Milwaukee County.

Freight & Logistics

Milwaukee maintains a significant concentration of manufacturing industries — from food processing and specialty chemicals to heavy equipment and precision instruments — that depend on efficient freight movement through the I-794 corridor. Major firms identified as freight-intensive include Molson Coors, Komatsu Mining, Rockwell Automation, Milwaukee Tool, GE Healthcare, and Caterpillar, among others.

"The majority of what we build is for export basis, so that implies infrastructure transportation, both inbound and outbound, and our locating here was part of a very focused decision to be at the nexus of all the different modes — the Port of Milwaukee, the railroad, and the highway system."

— Local Industry Leader

Under the Remove alternative, even minor disruptions to shipping efficiency are expected to influence long-term location decisions for freight-intensive firms. The analysis modeled three scenarios for a one-percent slowing of growth in freight-intensive industries:

Freight Impact — Milwaukee County Output

Impact Type 0.5% Scenario 1.0% Scenario 3.0% Scenario
Direct$(48.0M)$(96.0M)$(288.1M)
Indirect$(6.3M)$(12.7M)$(38.2M)
Induced$(4.6M)$(9.2M)$(27.6M)
Total Annual Impact$(58.9M)$(117.9M)$(353.8M)

Annual impact of reduced growth rate in freight-intensive industries, Milwaukee County. A 1% slowing would also result in 253 fewer jobs annually.

Commuters & Workforce

Industries that rely on a physically present workforce — including finance, insurance, higher education, healthcare, and manufacturing — depend on I-794 to connect the regional labor pool to downtown employers. Major firms identified as reliant on in-person workforce include Northwestern Mutual, BMO Harris, Froedtert Health, Advocate Aurora Health, GE Healthcare, Rockwell Automation, and the Medical College of Wisconsin.

"Attracting work talent to come to downtown Milwaukee — if that commute changes by ten or twenty minutes, they'll look elsewhere."

— Local Business Operations Leader

The workforce analysis found this to be the most significant economic risk category. Even a one-percent slowing of hiring growth — driven by firms making incremental decisions to locate or expand outside downtown to reduce labor access costs — would generate nearly $444 million in annual lost economic activity.

Workforce Impact — Milwaukee County Output

Impact Type 0.5% Scenario 1.0% Scenario 3.0% Scenario
Direct$(143.3M)$(286.7M)$(860.0M)
Indirect$(45.7M)$(91.4M)$(274.4M)
Induced$(32.8M)$(65.7M)$(197.0M)
Total Annual Impact$(221.8M)$(443.7M)$(1.33B)

Annual impact of reduced growth rate in in-person workforce-dependent industries, Milwaukee County. A 1% slowing would result in approximately 2,005 fewer jobs annually.

Visitor Access & Tourism

In 2024, visitors to Milwaukee County spent approximately $2.4 billion, generating total economic impact of over $4.3 billion. The analysis focused on the visitor segment most likely to be sensitive to travel time changes: long day trips, which account for approximately 20% of non-resident visits — an estimated 5.8 million annual trips representing nearly $458 million in direct visitor spending.

Unlike freight or workforce impacts, the tourism analysis isolated only the visitor-dependent portion of affected businesses' revenue — restaurants, hospitality, museums, and entertainment venues — rather than their total business. Even so, for businesses in these industries, small declines in visitor traffic can threaten economic viability.

Tourism Impact — Milwaukee County Sales

Impact Type 0.5% Scenario 1.0% Scenario 3.0% Scenario
Direct$(777K)$(1.6M)$(4.7M)
Indirect$(215K)$(429K)$(1.3M)
Induced$(129K)$(258K)$(773K)
Total Annual Impact$(1.1M)$(2.2M)$(6.7M)

Annual impact on visitor-related sales at tourism industries, Milwaukee County.

Key Findings

Summary of Findings

1 A one percent slowing of freight industry growth due to changes in shipping efficiency would reduce annual economic output in Milwaukee County by nearly $118 million, with 253 fewer jobs created.
2 A one percent slowing of workforce growth in industries relying on in-person employees would reduce annual economic output by nearly $444 million, with over 2,000 fewer jobs annually.
3 Reduced long day-trip visitor spending at a one-percent growth reduction would slow economic activity by approximately $2.2 million annually — modest in isolation, but significant for thin-margin tourism businesses.
4 Across all three categories, the total annual cost of the Remove alternative compared to Rebuild or Redesign is estimated at approximately $450 million per year once construction is completed.
5 The study concludes that the most productive question is not which of the three alternatives but rather how I-794 can be improved to best serve the freight, workforce, and visitor access needs of the region now and into the future.

Broader Implications

One of the most significant outcomes of this study is that it reframed the terms of the policy debate. In conversations with stakeholders, business leaders, and transportation professionals throughout the project, the discussion rarely centered on choosing between the three defined alternatives. Instead, it consistently turned to "how can we make it better?"

The study suggests that the binary framing of "free land for development vs. maintain transportation infrastructure" oversimplifies a decision with multi-decade economic consequences. Milwaukee's experience is distinct from the urban freeway removal examples most commonly cited — the freeway did not divide neighborhoods to the degree seen in other cities, anticipated growth largely materialized, and the corridor serves active freight and commuter functions that would not be replicated by a surface street network.

"We think that some form of balance in between no freeway and today's freeway is the right answer for the city — one that creates additional buildable tax base, preserves the ability for people and goods to move through the corridor, and improves livability."

— Local Industry Leader

The study was published and presented to policymakers, civic leaders, and the broader Milwaukee business community. It has contributed a previously missing economic perspective to one of Wisconsin's most consequential and long-debated infrastructure decisions.